Opinion · Supreme Court of the United States
Yellin v. United States
10 L. Ed. 2d 778
- Type
- Opinion
- Court
- Supreme Court of the United States
- Jurisdiction
- Federal
- Date
- 1963-06-17
- Topic
- general
holding that an individual had the right to force the House Committee on Un-American Activities to abide by its own procedural rules during an investigatory hearing | stating that a litigant “is at least entitled to have the Commit- tee follow its rules and give him consideration according to the standards it has adopted in” the relevant rule | holding mistake of law was no defense to criminal contempt of court | holding mistake of law was no defense to criminal contempt of court | overturning conviction for contempt of Congress stemming from investigation conducted by House Committee on Un-American Activities | reversing contempt conviction when congressional committee had not complied with its own rules requiring it to reconsider a witness' request to be heard in executive session | reversing contempt conviction when congressional committee had not complied with its own rules requiring it to reconsider a witness’ request to be heard in executive session | overturning a criminal contempt conviction because the House Un-American Activities Committee had failed to follow its own rules | overturning tax convictions obtained with use of statements obtained by Internal Revenue Service | reversing a section 192 conviction despite the defendant’s failure to object before the committee because the defendant reasonably thought the committee was adhering to its rules | refusing to answer committee question based on rule violation would be a “defense” | committee bound by its rules where "throughout the rules, the dominant theme is definition of the witness' rights and privileges" | committee bound by its rules where “throughout the rules, the dominant theme is definition of the witness’ rights and privileges” | “It has long been settled ... that rules of Congress and its committees are judicially cognizable” | defendant’s contempt of Congress conviction overturned on due process grounds because Congressional Committee violated its own rules in regard to executive sessions | failure of congressional committee to comply with its own rule to consider a request of a witness to be heard in executive session resulted in reversal of contempt conviction | “It has long been settled ... that rules of Congress are judicially cognizable” | petitioner entitled to have House committee follow its own rules | applicable to procedures governing investigation by congressional committee | applicable to procedures governing investigation by congressional committee | criminal contempt initiated by Congressional committee | Rules of Congress and its Committees
Citator
- Cited by
- 83 opinions
delivered the opinion of the Court. .
This contempt of Congress case, stemming from investigations conducted by the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities, involves, among others, questions of whether the House Committee on Un-American Activities failed to comply with its rules and whether such a failure excused petitioner’s refusal to answer the Committee’s questions.
The factual setting is for the most part not in dispute. The Committee was engaged, in 1958, in an investigation of so-called colonization by the Communist Party in basic industry. One of its inquiries focused upon the steel industry in Gary, Indiana, where petitioner was employed. Having information that petitioner was a Communist, the Committee decided to call Yellin and question him in a public rather than an executive session. The Committee then subpoenaed petitioner on January 23,1958. His attorney, Mr. Rabinowitz, sent a telegram to the Committee’s general counsel, Mr. Tavenner, on Thursdajr, February 6, 1958. The telegram asked for an executive session because "testimony needed for legislative . . . purposes can be secured in executive session without exposing witnesses to publicity.” Since the Committee and
“Reurtel [Re your telegram?] requesting executive session in lieu of open session for Edward Yellin and Nicholas Busic. Your request denied.
“Richard Arens Staff Director”
According to Congressman Walter, the Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Arens did not have authority to take such action.
Petitioner’s counsel also sought to bring the matter to the Committee’s attention when it commenced its public' hearing the following Monday, February 10, 1958. His efforts to have the telegrams read into the record were cut short by Congressman Walter.2 Mr. Rabinowitz would not have been justified in continuing, since Committee rules permit counsel only to advise a witness, not to engage in oral argument with the Committee. Rule
*112 “The Chairman. Do not. bother. You know the privileges given you by this committee. You have appeared before it often enough. You know as well as anybody.- Go ahead, Mr. Tavenner.”
The particular Committee Rule involved, Rule IV, provides in part:
“IV — Executive and Public Hearings:
“A — Executive:
“(1) If a majority of the Committee or Subcommittee, duly appointed as provided by the rules of the House of Representatives, believes that the interrogation of a witness' in a public hearing might*115 endanger national security or unjustly injure his reputation, or the reputation of other individuals, the Committee shall interrogate such witness in an Executive Session for the purpose of determining' the necessity or advisability of conducting such interrogation thereafter in a public hearing.
. . . .
“B — Public Hearings:
“(1) All other hearings shall be public.” (Emphasis added.)
The rule is quite explicit in requiring that injury to a witness’ reputation be considered, along with danger to the national security and injury to the reputation of third parties, in deciding whether to hold an executive session.
At the threshold we are met with the argument that Rule IV was written to provide guidance for the Committee alone and that it was not designed to confer upon witnesses the right to request an executive session and the right to have the Committee act, either upon that request or on its own, according to the standards set forth in the rule'. It seems clear, from the structure of the Committee’s rules and from the Committee’s practice, that such is not the case.
The rules are few in number and brief — all 17 take little more than six pages in the record. Yet throughout the rulés the dominant theme is definition of the witness’ rights and privileges. Rule II requires that the subject of any investigation be announced and that information sought be “relevant and germane to the subject.” Rule III requires, that witnesses be subpoenaed “a reasonably sufficient time in advance” to allow them a chance to prepare and employ counsel. Rule VI makes available to any witness a transcript of his testimony — though at his expense. Rule VII gives every witness the privilege of having counsel advise him during the héaring. Rule VIII givés a witness a reasonable time to get other coun
The Committee’s practice reinforces this conclusion. Congressman Walter testified that the Committee “always” gave due consideration to requests for executive sessions.5 Weight should be given such a practice of
It must be acknowledged, of course, that Rule IV does not provide complete protection. The Committee may not be required by its rules to avoid even unjust injury to a witness’ reputation. Assuming that the Committee decides to hold an executive session, the Committee need do so only “for the purpose of determining the necessity or advisability of conducting such interrogation thereafter in a public hearing.” (Emphasis added.) By inclusion of the word “necessity” the rule may contemplate cases in which the Committee will proceed in a public hearing despite the risk or- even probability of injury to the witness’ reputation.6
First, it does not appear from Congressman Walter’s testimony that the Committee considered injury to the witness’ reputation when it decided against calling Yellin in executive, session:
“Q. [By Mr. Rabinowitz] The Committee does sometimes hold executive sessions, doesn’t it?
“A. [By Congressman Walter] Yes.
“Q. And what are the considerations which the Committee uses in determining whether to hold executive sessions?
“A. This is usually done when the Committee is fearful lest a witness will mention the name of somebody against whom there' is no sworn testimony, and in order to prevent the name of somebody being mentioned in public that we are not sure has been active .in the conspiracy, at least that there isn’t sworn testimony to that effect, we have an executive hearing;
*119 “Q. Are those theonly circumstances under which executive hearings are held?
“A. I don’t know of any, other, except that where we are fearful that testimony might be adduced that could be harmful to the national defense. We are not so sure about the testimony of any of the witnesses.” (Emphasis added.). .
By Congressman Walter’s own admission, the Committee holds executive sessions in only two of the three instances specified in Rule IV, i. e., when there may be injury to the reputation of a third party or injury to the national security. Injury to the witness himself is not a factor. Consequently the initial Committee decision to question Yellin publicly, made before serving him with a subpoena, was made without following Rule IV.
Secondly, the Committee failed to act upon petitioner’s express request for an executive session.7 The Staff Director, who lacked the authority to do so, acted in the Committee’s stead. That petitioner addressed his request to the Committee’s counsel does not alter the case. The Committee did not specify in Rule IV to whom such re
Thus in two instances the Committee failed to exercise its discretion according to the standards which Yellin had a right to have considered. His position is similar to that of the petitioner in United States ex rel. Accardi v. Shaughnessy, 347 U. S. 260. Accardi had been ordered deported. Concededly the order was valid. However, Accardi applied to the Board of Immigration Appeals for suspension of the order. This, in the discretion of the Attorney General, was permitted by § 19 (c) of the Immigration Act of 1917, 39 Stat. 889, as amended, 8 TJ. S. C. (1946 ed., Supp. Y) § 155 (c). (The successor to that section in the 1952 Act is § 244, 66 Stat. 214, 8 TJ. S. C.
This' Court held that the Board had failed to exercise its discretion though required to do so by the Attorney General’s regulations. Although the Court recognized that Accardi might'well lose, even if the Board ignored -the Attorney General’s list of unsavory characters, it nonetheless held that Accardi should at least have the chance given him by the regulations.
The same result should obtain in the case at bar. Yellin might not prevail, even if the Committee takes note of the risk of injury to his reputation or his request for an executive session. But he is at least entitled to have the Committee follow its rules and give him consideration according to the standards it has adopted in Rule IY.
At that point, however, the similarity to Accardi’s case ends. Petitioner has no traditional remedy, such as the writ of habeas corpus upon which Accardi relied, by which to redress the loss of his rights; If the Committee ignores his request for an executive session, it is highly improbable that petitioner could obtain an injunction against the Committee that would protect him from public exposure. See Pauling v. Eastland, 109 U. S. App. D. C. 342, 288 F. 2d 126, cert. denied, 364 U. S. 900. Nor is there an administrative remedy for petitioner to pursue, should
As a last obstacle, however, the Government argues that Yellin’s rights were forfeited by his failure to make, clear at the time he was questioned that his refusal to testify was based upon the Committee’s departure from Rule IV. Whatever the merits of the argument might be when immediately apparent deviations from Committee rules are involved,8 it has no application here. Yelliri was unable, at the time of his hearing, to tell from the actions of the Committee that his rights had been violated. So far as Yellin knew, the Staff Director acted as Congress
It may be assumed that if petitioner had expressly rested his refusal to answer upon a violation of Rule IV and the Committee nevertheless proceeded, he would be entitled to acquittal, were he able to prove his defense. Otherwise, if Yellin could be convicted of contempt of Congress notwithstanding the violation of Rule IV, he would be deprived of the only remedy he has for protect-. ing his reputation. Certainly the rights created by the Committee’s rules cannot be that illusory.
Of course, should Yellin have refused to answer in the mistaken but good-faith belief that his rights had been violated, his mistake of law would be no defense. Watkins v. United States, 354 U. S. 178,208; Sinclair v. United States, 279 U. S. 263, 299. But he would at least be entitled to submit the correctness of his belief to a-court of law.
Yellin should be permitted the same opportunity for judicial review when he discovers at trial that his rights have been violated. This is especially so when the Committee’s practice leads witnesses to misplaced reliance upon its rules. When reading a copy of the Committee’s rules, which must be distributed to every witness under Rule XVII, the witness’ reasonable expectation is that the Committee actually does what it purports to do, adhere to its own rules. To foreclose a defense based upon those rules, simply because the witness was deceived by the Committee’s appearance of regularity, is not fair.
Reversed.
The constitutional questions upon which we need not pass are whether the Committee’s investigation infringed upon petitioner’s rights under the First Amendment and whether petitioner was convicted under an unconstitutionally vague statute. In addition, we do not discuss petitioner’s contention that the trial judge erred in excluding expert testimony about the factors which should be considered in determining petitioner’s rights under the First Amendment.
The Committee’s General Counsel had asked Mr. Yellin a few preliminary questions when Mr. Rabinowitz interrupted.
“Mr. Rabinowitz. Mr. Counsel [Mr. Tavenner], I wonder whether it would be possible to read into the record the exchange of telegrams between myself and the committee in connection with.the witness’s testimony. I would like to have it appear in the record.
“The Chairman. We will decide' whether it will be made á part of the record when the. executive session is Held. Go ahead.
“Mr. Rabinowitz. Mr. Chairman, I sent the telegrams because I wanted’them to appear. I do not care whether they appear publicly or not. I do want it to appear that that exchange of telegrams occurred. I did not do it just to increase the revenue of the telegram company.
“The Chairman. Well, whatever the reason was, whether it has been stated or otherwise, it will be considered in executive session.
“Mr. Rabinowitz. May I state—
Consider, for example, the following testimony of Congressman Walter:
“Q. [By Mr'. Rabinowitz] So that at the time I raised at this hearing the question of the telegrams, you didn’t know anything about any telegrams, and you weren’t sufficiently interested to find out what I wás talking about; is that right?
“A. [By Congressman Walter] Well, not exactly that, Mr. Rabinowitz. I was interested in knowing. I knew that you made an application for an executive session.
“Q. How did you know that?
“A. Well, the telegram; at least, that’s what you started to talk about.
“Q. You knew it at the time of the hearing?
“A. No. Isn’t that what you started to talk about?'
“Q. When did you first learn that I had made an application for aji executive session?
“A. 1 believe today. I never had seen these telegrams, actually. I heard you mention them, at least now my recollection is that I heard you mention them, but I haven’t seen them, until this minute.”
(Emphasis added.)
See also the following testimony:
“Q. [By Mr. Rabinowitz] Well, weren’t you interested in finding out what I was talking about?
“A. [By Congressman Walter] 1 knew what you were talking about. You were talking about a telegram that you say- you sent, and it was too late- then to raise any question that might have been raised by the telegram.”
Later Congressman Walter said:
“I'think the impression I got was that these were telegrams that were more or less in the nature of a request to postpone, without grounds, or whatever it was that Mr. Tavenner told me and the other members of the Committee; and I think that we were just not impressed by it.”
The following occurred during Mr. Rabinowitz’ direct examination of Congressman Walter:
“Q. Well, did you, or did you not, take it up in executive session as you said you would?
“A. I am not clear; I think that we probably did talk about making it a part of the record, and I think the conclusion was reached that it was not properly a part of the record already made.
“Q. Didn’t you testify, Congressman, just" a few minutes ago, while' you were on the stand, that the first you knew about the contents of the telegram was just now, when you got on the witness stand?
“A. That’s right.
“Q. So you discussed this-whole matter in executive session after the Gary hearings, without even knowing what the telegrams said?
“A. That’s about it.
“Q. And you reached the conclusion not to make them a part of the record without even knowing what was in them?
. “A. That’s right. ...”
Mr. Rabinowitz asked Congressman Walter:
“But it wasn’t worth the chance of calling him in executive session, to see what his position' would have been?
“A. I am sure that had you communicated this whole matter to the Committee before we left Washington so that we could have given it due consideration — we would have, and always do — we might have a different situation today.’’ (Emphasis added.)
Congressman Walter also said he was “sure this could not have happened, had you [Mr. Rabinowitz] addressed your telegram to me.”
Note also the following question by Mr. Rabinowitz and answer by Mr. Tavenner:
“Q. And does that rule [Rule IV] operate ever for the protection of a witness who is called?
“A. Certainly.”
Although, for reasons to be developed later, it does not appear that the Committee was following Rule IV in Yellin’s case, it seems clear that the Committee realized its public interrogation of Yellin would injure .his reputation. Congressman Walter testified, for example, that:
“A. . . . [T]he Committee already passed on thé question of whether or not we would hear Mr. Yellin at a session when the purpose of calling him was discussed, and it was decided then that the rule with respect to an executive session was not applicable because the investigator — and I might say it was Mr. Collins, a former F. B. I. agent, who developed this entire matter, and we were willing to accept his story with respect to the proposed testimony.
“Q. And what was his story?
“A. Well, his story was that the man was a known Communist; that he had been active in the international conspiracy, and that he had deceived his employer; and, furthermore, he came within the category of those people that we were experiencing a great deal of difficulty in finding out about with respect to the colonization.”
Mr. Tavenner also said he would not have recommended to the Committee that Yellin be heard in executive session “[bjecause we
From the Committee’s knowledge, whether it be reliable or not, the Committee could only .have concluded' that Yellin’s reputation would suffer. Yet Congressman Walter said this was the kind of case in which a public hearing was appropriate.
Any suggestion that petitioner’s request was untimely cannot be accepted. For one thing, only 14 days intervened between-service of the subpoena upon petitioner and delivery of his request to the Committee’s offices in Washington. Also' it is of some significance that the Committee did not hold another witness at the Gary hearings, one Joseph Gyurko, to the strict standard of timeliness now urged. Gyurko had sent a telegram to the Committee’s offices in Washington about noon on Saturday, February 8, 1958. When Gyurko was called on Tuesday, February 11, he was given an executive hearing, even though Congressman Walter expressed the opinion that Gyurko had deliberately waited until after business hours on Saturday to send his request. Since the Committee did not evenhandedly deny executive sessions to all who made such eleventh hour requests, it is not in a fair position to plead the untimeliness of Yellin’s request.
Although, as a matter of due process, a witness is entitled to an explanation of the pertinency of a question, if he asks for it, it appears he may lose that right if he fails to make a timely objection. See Deutch v. United States, 367 U. S. 45.6, 468-469; Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U. S. 109, 123-124; Watkins v. United States, 354 U. S. 178, 214-215.
For other instances in which a witness’ defense has been rejected because he failed to make timely objection, see McPhaul v. United States, 364 U. S. 372, 379; United States v. Bryan, 339 U. S. 323, 332-333; Hartman v. United States, 290 F. 2d 460, 467.